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- <text id=93TT2214>
- <link 93TO0121>
- <title>
- Sep. 13, 1993: Risking Peace
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1993
- Sep. 13, 1993 Leap Of Faith
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- COVER STORIES, Page 32
- Risking Peace
- </hdr>
- <body>
- <p>A historic breakthrough by Israeli and Palestinian peacemakers
- signals the first sign of thaw in a life-or-death struggle
- </p>
- <p>By JAMES WALSH--With reporting by Lisa Beyer/Jerusalem and J.F.O. McAllister/Washington
- </p>
- <p> The past few years have been an age of miracles. Unimaginable
- events, consummations devoutly wished for but never really expected,
- have succeeded one another as if the Creator had whistled up
- a new world. The Berlin Wall tumbles. The Soviet empire melts
- away. Nelson Mandela, free at last, begins to bring democracy
- to black South Africans. Now comes what must be considered one
- of the greatest miracles of all: the first acknowledgment by
- Israelis and Palestinians that they can share the land both
- call home.
- </p>
- <p> On paper, what a handful of bargainers have written looks rather
- small, a narrow agreement on limited self-rule for the 770,000
- Palestinians in the Gaza Strip and 1 million more in the West
- Bank, starting in the oasis of Jericho. Yet the psychological
- breakthrough in recognizing each other's humanity is huge, the
- step neither Israelis nor Palestinians would take before. Making
- it work will take years to realize, but only a failure of the
- test they have set themselves can undo what has been done. The
- nagging question is whether these two can live with a victory
- for peace rather than for Israel or Palestine.
- </p>
- <p> That leaders of these sworn enemies should have made such a
- leap of faith into the unknown proves that history, of which
- the Holy Land has a surfeit, at long last is losing its death
- grip on them. For nearly 100 years, Jews and Arabs have been
- like Jacob and Esau, battling in the womb for the rights of
- the firstborn in their ancient motherland. The accommodation
- they announced last week, though still very rough and capable
- of igniting bonfires of violence among opponents of compromise,
- had one transcendent merit. A deal negotiated in secret by foes
- who had chosen to meet face to face signaled that they could
- lay aside their perpetual sense of victimhood.
- </p>
- <p> Miracle in this case really means a kind of freedom: the two
- are emerging from the clutches of history to find that strength
- lies in looking ahead, creating their own choices. That does
- not mean that today's choice is easy. Answered prayers can be
- cruel in their own right, proved by the disillusionments that
- have followed other recent breakthroughs--the hardships of
- unified Germany, Russia's dismal paralysis. But Israel and the
- P.L.O. have seized the moment to clear a vast mental hurdle.
- With enough good faith on both sides, along with crucial U.S.diplomacy
- and aid from other countries, the two could build their promised
- lands.
- </p>
- <p> It will call on the best they have. Yitzhak Rabin has said time
- and again that Israel must rise above its complexes and trust
- the world. Palestinians will have to mature politically and
- start taking care of business. Both partners will have to rein
- in their fanatics, when zealotry threatens not just their own
- but the other side.
- </p>
- <p> Inertia has been the curse of Arab-Jewish relations for too
- long. Each people came to nurse profound grievances against
- the other based on mutually exclusive interpretations of history.
- Jews knew that they had been dispossessed by Caesar, dispersed
- into exile and repeatedly persecuted, in fact nearly destroyed;
- returning to the home God promised to Abraham, they saw themselves
- in mortal danger again. Arabs viewed modern Israel as colonialism
- by a new name, one more indignity visited on them in a 1,000-year-old
- struggle between the West and Islam.
- </p>
- <p> What began with small-scale skirmishes, like a dispute over
- access to Jerusalem's Wailing Wall, escalated over time into
- a millennial blood feud involving the entire Middle East and
- turning the region into a pivot of superpower conflict. In light
- of that record, one of Rabin's statements last week was extraordinary.
- Explaining the peace formula to his government partners, Israel's
- Prime Minister declared, "The past no longer matters." To a
- nation founded on the premise that the past must be remembered
- so as not to be repeated, the remark verged on blasphemy. But
- Rabin did not forget the Holocaust; he had contrived to show
- that generosity can--must--triumph over it.
- </p>
- <p> Of course, he has reason to be cautious. So does the P.L.O.
- In subscribing to a deal that for now offers only limited gains,
- Yasser Arafat has incurred assassination threats from Palestinian
- hard-liners in exile. Conflict for these warriors has become
- a way of life, rejection their religion. It will take all Arafat's
- reputed wizardry to keep them in check.
- </p>
- <p> His tougher challenge lies among Palestinians inside the occupied
- territories. Fed up with the P.L.O.'s failures, young Palestinians
- in the Gaza Strip and West Bank have been radicalized, many
- of them embracing militant fundamentalist Islam. Conversely,
- Arafat was compelled toward moderation after the Soviet Union's
- demise deprived him of a superpower patron, and even more when
- his mistaken allegiance to Iraq over Kuwait cost him his bankroll
- from the gulf states. Without money, without visible progress
- in the two-year-old peace talks he had endorsed, fundamentalism's
- rise threatened to make him irrelevant.
- </p>
- <p> So the man seen by most Israelis as a symbol of terrorism surprised
- his rivals by accepting a little instead of all-or-nothing:
- home rule in the squalid Gaza Strip, a hotbed of extremism,
- before any full autonomy for the West Bank outside of Jericho.
- The Gaza Strip had been the orphan no one wanted; certainly
- not Israelis, whose policing of the turbulent slums has become
- a shame and burden to them. So many protesters have been killed,
- wounded and thrown into jail that Jews had come to see the suppression
- as a moral cancer they had to excise. To save himself, Arafat
- is gambling with his life that the departure of Israeli soldiers,
- combined with infusions of outside aid, will win back power
- from the fundamentalists.
- </p>
- <p> Violence from both sides is an obvious pitfall. If negotiators
- do not hurry along specifics for enacting the deal, naysayers
- could niggle it to death. The P.L.O. must transform its loose
- structure, unruly factions and preference for ambiguity into
- practical governance. Arab states, which have always sought
- to keep the Palestinian issue under their thumb, will need to
- be mollified into cooperation. But since the Palestinian millstone
- has prevented them from bringing prosperity to their own societies,
- they appear ready to go along.
- </p>
- <p> The biggest decisions still lie ahead: what happens ultimately
- to Israeli settlers in the occupied territories, what happens
- to Jerusalem, can Palestinians be trusted with a truly independent
- state? Offsetting these perils has been the Israeli government's
- remarkable change of heart in reaching out to the P.L.O., and
- Arafat's unexpected change of mind in starting with less than
- everything. For too long both sides have assumed they operated
- in a matrix of power they could not control: the Ottoman Empire,
- the British mandate, the cold war. They are now free to live
- with each other, separate but equal. Ben-Gurion's definition
- of realism, like Joshua's trumpets, is blowing down the walls
- of Jericho.
- </p>
-
- </body>
- </article>
- </text>
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